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CDS / OTA Current Affairs · Schemes · 12 Oct 2026

The Largest Producer, and Also the Largest Importer

India is the world's largest producer of pulses. India is also the world's largest importer of pulses. Both statements are true at the same time, and the gap between them is the entire subject of the Mission for Aatmanirbharta in Pulses, which completed its first year on 11 October 2026.

The Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare marked the anniversary with a backgrounder. The Mission was launched on 11 October 2025 with an allocation of ₹11,440 crore spanning 2025-26 to 2030-31 — a six-year plan to make India self-reliant in pulses by 2030-31.

The first year's numbers are better than most schemes can show at this stage, and they still need careful reading.

What a year produced

  • Production rose from 256.83 lakh tonnes in 2024-25 to 274.09 lakh tonnes in 2025-26 (third advance estimates).
  • Area expanded from 277.20 lakh hectares to 286.46 lakh hectares.
  • Yield improved from 926 kg per hectare to 957 kg per hectare.
  • Imports fell 31.52%, from ₹46,427.60 crore in 2024-25 to ₹31,793.59 crore in 2025-26.
  • Exports rose 13.40%, from USD 855 million to USD 969.53 million, on a volume of 10.01 lakh tonnes, with China, the UAE, Bangladesh, the USA and Sri Lanka the major destinations.

The import figure is the headline, and it deserves one honest qualification: the fall is from a high base. Pulse imports had reached a multi-year peak in 2024-25 on reporting of the trade, so a 31.52% decline returns India towards its earlier range rather than breaking new ground. That does not make it unimpressive — a one-third fall in a single year is a large movement in an agricultural import bill — but "imports down a third" and "import dependence solved" are different claims.

The targets, and the arithmetic behind them

By 2030-31 the Mission aims at:

  • Production of nearly 350 lakh tonnes
  • Yield of 1,130 kg per hectare
  • Cultivated area of 310 lakh hectares, an expansion of 35 lakh hectares

Do the division, because it tells you what kind of plan this is. Production has to rise from 274 to 350 lakh tonnes — about 28%. Yield has to rise from 957 to 1,130 kg per hectare — about 18%. Area has to rise from 286 to 310 lakh hectares — about 8%.

So roughly two-thirds of the planned gain comes from yield and one-third from area. That is the right split, because India has very little spare cultivable land and because area expansion in pulses historically means moving onto worse land, which drags yield down. But it also means the Mission is betting on the harder of the two variables.

The instruments listed against those targets are conventional: focus on Tur, Urad and Masoor; climate-resilient seeds and improved seed quality; distribution of 87.5 lakh free seed kits and 126 lakh quintals of certified seeds over six years; a cluster-based approach across 489 districts; and 1,000 processing units, which is to say dal mills.

Why pulse yields are low, and it is not the seed

This is where the topic becomes interesting, and where most notes stop short.

A yield of 957 kg per hectare is low. Canada, on widely cited trade figures, achieves on the order of four tonnes per hectare in its pulse crops. India's own Mission document concedes that yields trail Canada and Myanmar and fluctuate with the monsoon. The explanation is not that Indian farmers are less capable or that good seed does not exist.

About 84% of India's pulses area is rainfed. That single statistic carries most of the explanation. A rainfed crop takes whatever the monsoon gives — drought, heat stress at flowering, or unseasonal rain at harvest — and pulses are particularly sensitive at flowering and pod-filling.

And the reason pulses are rainfed is historical and deliberate. The Green Revolution concentrated irrigation, fertiliser, research and procurement on rice and wheat. Pulses were displaced from the irrigated plains onto marginal and sub-marginal land with poorer fertility and no assured water. Every subsequent decade of research investment followed the same priority, so pulses also have fewer high-yielding, short-duration, drought-tolerant varieties to draw on.

The result is a crop that loses a land-allocation contest it has been losing for sixty years. A farmer with one irrigated hectare will plant wheat, because wheat has an assured price and an assured buyer. Pulses get the unirrigated plot.

The instrument that actually matters

Which is why the most consequential line in the Mission is not about seeds at all. It is assured procurement of Tur, Urad and Masoor through NCCF and NAFED from willing and registered farmers.

Minimum Support Prices are announced for 23 crops, including six pulses. But an MSP is a price at which the government may buy, and for pulses the procurement machinery has historically been thin — commentary on the sector puts pulses procurement at well under a third of marketed surplus, against near-universal procurement for wheat and paddy in the main producing States. Analysts have argued for years that annual MSP increases for pulses are substantially notional, because the capacity to actually buy at that price has not kept pace with the announcement.

A farmer does not respond to an announced price. A farmer responds to a buyer who turned up last year. If the procurement agency bought your neighbour's tur at MSP in the previous season, you plant tur. If it did not, the MSP is a number in a newspaper.

So the Mission's design is correct in the place that matters: it attacks the incentive, not only the input. Free seed kits raise yield at the margin; a registered-farmer procurement guarantee changes what gets planted. The thing to watch over the remaining five years is therefore not seed distribution totals but the share of registered farmers from whom NAFED and NCCF actually purchased, and whether procurement spreads beyond a few States. Early commentary suggests both remain uneven, which is exactly what one would expect in year one and exactly what has to change by year six.

This is the same analytical point as the price-floor architecture examined in PM-AASHA's four instruments: a support price without an operating purchase window is advice, not support.

The agronomic argument nobody makes loudly enough

Pulses are legumes, and legumes fix atmospheric nitrogen through root-nodule bacteria. A pulse crop therefore leaves soil nitrogen higher than it found it, and reduces the nitrogen requirement of the crop that follows.

Three consequences follow, and together they make pulses a better public investment than their share of the cropped area suggests.

First, a pulse in the rotation reduces urea demand, and urea is the most heavily subsidised input in Indian agriculture. Nitrogen fixed free by a root nodule is nitrogen the exchequer does not subsidise.

Second, pulses improve soil structure and organic carbon when properly rotated, which is the long repair described in regenerative agriculture and India's soils. Continuous rice-wheat rotation depletes; a pulse break restores.

Third, pulses contain 20-25% protein — more than double wheat and nearly three times rice — which makes them the cheapest protein available to a largely vegetarian population and a nutrition instrument as much as an agricultural one.

So a rupee spent raising pulse output buys crop output, a fertiliser-subsidy saving, soil improvement and nutritional security at once. Very few agricultural interventions have that profile, and it is the strongest argument for the Mission that the Mission itself does not make.

Where the crop actually grows

The principal pulse-growing States are Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Jharkhand, Odisha and West Bengal.

Note what that list is: it is largely the rainfed centre and west of the country, not the irrigated Indo-Gangetic belt. Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra dominate because the Deccan and Malwa soils and rainfall suit gram and tur, and because those States never captured the irrigation that went to Punjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh. The geography of pulses is, quite literally, the geography of where the Green Revolution did not reach — which is also why a cluster-based approach across 489 districts makes sense here in a way a State-level scheme would not. District-level convergence of this kind is now the standard Indian delivery pattern, as PM Dhan-Dhaanya Krishi Yojana's 100 districts shows.

🔑 Revision block

  • What: Mission for Aatmanirbharta in Pulses completed one year on 11 October 2026; launched 11 October 2025.
  • Money and period: ₹11,440 crore, 2025-26 to 2030-31 (six years), targeting self-sufficiency by 2030-31.
  • Targets by 2030-31: production nearly 350 lakh tonnes; yield 1,130 kg per hectare; area 310 lakh hectares (an expansion of 35 lakh hectares).
  • Focus crops: Tur, Urad, Masoor.
  • Instruments: climate-resilient and improved seed; 87.5 lakh free seed kits and 126 lakh quintals certified seeds over six years; cluster-based approach in 489 districts; 1,000 processing units (dal mills); assured procurement via NCCF and NAFED from willing, registered farmers.
  • Year-one results: production 256.83 → 274.09 lakh tonnes; area 277.20 → 286.46 lakh ha; yield 926 → 957 kg/ha; imports down 31.52% (₹46,427.60 cr → ₹31,793.59 cr); exports up 13.40% (USD 855 mn → USD 969.53 mn, 10.01 lakh tonnes).
  • India's position: largest producer, largest consumer and largest importer of pulses — about a quarter of world production and roughly a seventh of world imports.
  • Why yields are low: about 84% of pulses area is rainfed; the Green Revolution displaced pulses from irrigated plains onto marginal land; fewer high-yielding, short-duration, drought-tolerant varieties.
  • Protein: pulses are 20-25% protein — over twice wheat, nearly three times rice.
  • Agronomy: legumes fix atmospheric nitrogen, cutting urea demand and improving soil for the following crop.
  • Major States: MP, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, UP, Gujarat, AP, Karnataka, Jharkhand, Odisha, West Bengal — largely rainfed central and western India.
  • Exam hook: an MSP is a price at which the government may buy. For pulses the binding constraint has been procurement capacity, not the announced price — which is why assured purchase, not free seed, is the Mission's real instrument.

🎯 Practice MCQs

Q1. The Mission for Aatmanirbharta in Pulses was launched on: (a) 1 April 2025 (b) 11 October 2025 (c) 15 August 2024 (d) 1 January 2026

→ (b) Its first anniversary therefore fell on 11 October 2026, with an allocation of ₹11,440 crore to 2030-31.

Q2. The three pulses on which the Mission focuses are: (a) Tur, Urad and Masoor (b) Chana, Rajma and Moong (c) Moong, Masoor and Soybean (d) Chana, Tur and Lobia

→ (a) These three are also the pulses covered by assured procurement through NCCF and NAFED.

Q3. India's pulse yield in 2025-26 was approximately: (a) 1,450 kg per hectare (b) 2,100 kg per hectare (c) 640 kg per hectare (d) 957 kg per hectare

→ (d) Up from 926 kg per hectare in 2024-25, against a 2030-31 target of 1,130 kg per hectare.

Q4. The principal reason Indian pulse yields are low is that: (a) Pulses cannot be irrigated (b) India lacks certified seed varieties entirely (c) About 84% of the pulses area is rainfed, much of it marginal land (d) Pulses are harvested before maturity

→ (c) The Green Revolution concentrated irrigation, research and procurement on rice and wheat, displacing pulses onto poorer, unirrigated land.

Q5. Assured procurement of the focus pulses under the Mission is routed through: (a) NCCF and NAFED (b) FCI and CWC (c) APEDA and MPEDA (d) NABARD and SFAC

→ (a) The National Cooperative Consumers' Federation and the National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation buy from willing, registered farmers.

Q6. Pulses improve soil fertility because they: (a) Require no fertiliser at any stage (b) Fix atmospheric nitrogen through root-nodule bacteria (c) Have deep taproots that break hardpan (d) Are always grown as a green manure crop

→ (b) Which also reduces the urea requirement of the following crop, and therefore the fertiliser subsidy burden.

Q7. The protein content of pulses is approximately: (a) 5-8% (b) 12-15% (c) 20-25% (d) 40-45%

→ (c) More than double that of wheat and nearly three times that of rice, which makes pulses a nutrition instrument as well as an agricultural one.

Q8. India's pulse imports in 2025-26, compared with the previous year: (a) Rose 13.40% (b) Remained unchanged (c) Rose 31.52% (d) Fell 31.52%

→ (d) From ₹46,427.60 crore to ₹31,793.59 crore — though from an unusually high base.

Q9. The cluster-based approach under the Mission covers: (a) 489 districts (b) 100 districts (c) 767 districts (d) All districts of the ten major pulse-growing States

→ (a) A district-level targeting pattern now common across Indian agricultural and welfare delivery.

Q10. Why is an announced MSP for pulses described as substantially "notional"? (a) Because pulses are excluded from the MSP list (b) Because procurement capacity has not matched the announced price, so few farmers actually sell at MSP (c) Because MSP for pulses is fixed below the cost of production by law (d) Because pulses are exported rather than procured

→ (b) A farmer responds to a buyer who turned up last season, not to a price in a notification — which is why assured procurement is the Mission's central instrument.

📋 How this gets asked (PYQ pattern)

Agricultural questions are a large and predictable block in CDS and OTA papers, and pulses carry some of the most testable facts in the subject.

The first pattern is India's global position, and it is a favourite because it looks contradictory. India is simultaneously the largest producer, largest consumer and largest importer of pulses. A statement asserting that India is a net exporter of pulses, or that it is not among the top producers, is a standard false option. Learn all three superlatives together with the reason — consumption is enormous, so a huge harvest still leaves a deficit.

The second is the crop set and the agencies. Tur, Urad and Masoor are the focus crops; NCCF and NAFED are the procurement agencies. Papers routinely swap NAFED for FCI, which procures food grains, or for APEDA, which promotes exports. Keep the mandates separate.

The third is the numbers: ₹11,440 crore, six years, 350 lakh tonnes, 1,130 kg per hectare, 489 districts, 1,000 dal mills. These are clean and finite. A single transposed figure is the easiest distractor to write, so learn them as a block rather than individually.

The fourth is the agronomy, which is where general-science and agriculture questions overlap. Pulses are leguminous nitrogen-fixers with 20-25% protein. Both facts are asked directly, and the nitrogen-fixation point also appears in soil-science and environment questions.

For a written answer, the argument that lifts a script is the one about land allocation. Explain that pulses are rainfed because the Green Revolution gave irrigation, research and guaranteed procurement to rice and wheat; that a farmer with irrigated land therefore plants wheat; and that the only policy lever strong enough to change that choice is a procurement guarantee that actually operates. That reasoning explains sixty years of stagnant pulse yields in three sentences, and it is considerably more valuable than reciting the Mission's components.

Preparing for CDS/OTA? On any agricultural scheme, ask what the farmer's alternative crop is and why they would switch. The answer is almost always about assured purchase, not about inputs. Build the base with our CDS/OTA study material and the economy section, follow the daily CDS current affairs, and prepare with our faculty in the upcoming Cavalier courses in Delhi.


✍️ Written by Aditya Tiwari — Faculty, Economy & Polity, at The Cavalier. Reviewed by the Cavalier Faculty Desk.